Saturday, November 24, 2007

The 40th Anniversary Day of the Khadawmi Operation 1967

Place: KSDF's office, New Delhi
Date: 18th November, 2007
Time: 12: 00 am (IST)
Programme moderator: Nungah Chochong
Recording secretary: Pu Luntinsat
Functional Presidents: 1) Pu Tha No, MP, Arakan League for Democracy 2) Pu Thein Phe, Arakan National Council 3) Pu Tial Kha, President, Chin National Confideration 4) Pu Kyaw Than, President, All Burma Students' League 5) Pu Letlam, President, Kuki Peoples' Congress. Other special invitees included people from the exiled democraticleaders of Burma, the Kuki Students' Organisation, Delhi and Kuki International Support Centre.

At the very outset, the moderator called upon the functional presidents to occupy the seats allotted for them and, in the mean time, the rest of the participants stood up and remained standing at their respective position in honour of those functional presidents, who until were seated. Pu Letlam, president, Kuki Peoples' Congress, then, led the Tipple Salutes – a) The Burmese National Flag, b) Father of the Nation,General Aung San and his Colleague Leaders who were assassinated along with him on July 19, 1947 and c) the Late Kuki Heroes who displayed great valour. Pu Luntinsat, secretary of the Kuki Students' Democratic Front, made brief introduction of the programme. According to him, 'it was, in oneof the KSDF's earlier meeting, decided to organize jointly with the KSOD if the later agreed.' However, he said, 'the plan failed as the later was preoccupied with its own workloads that needed urgent attention.' 'This compelled KSDF to change from the previous decision of organizing a discussion on the issue exclusively within the Kuki community to a celebration with the Burmese community,' he said. Healso thanked the participants for sparing their valuable time though they were lately and informally invited through mobile phones just merely before 12 hours. He concluded his speech by making an appeal to all the invited speakers to heartily give their speeches. Pu Letlam was called upon to brief on the historical background of the 'Kinoni' or the Khadawmi Operation 1967. He spoke on how second Col.Vankul, a Hakha-Chin, the then commander of the Kabaw valley armybattalion, under the military regime of Newin's Revolutionary Council. He said, 'Col. Vankul Hakha, at his official capacity could havestopped the forceful dislocation by helping the Kukis through different means if he intended so.' However, he added, 'the colonel turned out to be more aggressive than one could imagine.''Here, the role played by Pu Zahre Lian, Chairman of the Chin State Cultural Committee was even worse.' He added. 'Pu Zahre Lian by makinggood use of Col. Vankul, manipulated the system of military regime that provided impunity to coerce upon the Kukis to accept the Chin identity.' 'This, he said, 'instead of uniting, polarized the relationship between the two community now.'While lamenting the injustice perpetrated upon the Kuki in Burma, hesaid, 'the plight of the Kukis in democratic northeast India is not secure either.' Challenging the Kuki youths to give it a thought over the uncertain political future of the Kukis in both India and Burma, Pu Letlam said, 'we need to work harder than our neighbouring ethnic nationalities because these communities have got certainty of their future.' By this 'certainty,' he means, autonomy or statehood. Ng. Veikhoneng then was call upon for reading of the Day's statement in Burmese version. The statement condemns injustice done to more than 20,000 Kukis who had to flee their homesteads with tears running down their cheeks. Villages like Waksuphai, Bongpa and others were completely burnt down to ashes by Col. Vankul led Revolutionary Council's army of Burma. The statement also calls upon the international community to intervene for justice and demands that the resettlement given to the Burmans in the erstwhile Kuki village be demolished and the victims, reinstated and compensated. Pu Tha No, MP, Arakan League for Democracy was called upon to deliver his speech. He thanked for the invitation and also expressed his feeling of shock to learn the wild history of Newin's regime in Kuki area. He also narrated how the Arakans too has been facing atrocity from the Burmans since the time of Maha Bandulah. He said, 'it all happens because of the false pride of the majority Burmans, who consider themselves a superior race.' From Newin's Revolutionary Council to the present day Than Swe's State Peace and Development Council, it is all about discrimination against the minority ethnic nationalities of Burma', he continued. 'It therefore is a must,' he said, 'that the Burman too should have one state only in the future Federal Union of Burma to prevent repeating such history. 'Pu Thein Phe, Arakan National Council, while expressing solidarity to the victims of Khadawmi Operation said, 'it is a very sad thing to learn that certain weak people suffer in their own land due to cruelty of another people of larger population despite the fact that both had earlier fought together for independence from the colonial yoke.' He also said that the ethnic nationalities - Shan, Kuki, Kachin, Karen, Arakan, Chin, Mon, etc.- need to understand the techniques used by the Burmese regime so that we might not fall victims of their divide and rule policy. On how the regime can be crushed, he said, 'we need a strong coalition of armed forces, powerful enough to fight to the finish,' and added, 'we have witnessed that to fight a military regime with diplomacy will not take us anywhere closer to victory.' Pu Tial Kha, President, Chin National Confederation regretted that Pu Vankul and Pu Zahre Lian had committed such an indeletable heinous crime in the history of the Kukis, the closest ethnic of all in Burma to the Chins. At the same time he said, 'all problems in Burma is rooted to the military regime.' 'To fight in unison with arms is needof the hour.' And he continued stressing on arm warfare, 'if we leave the fight for change of the regime to the non-armed Buddhist Monks alone, we shall continue to remain the victims.' Pu Kyaw Than (Cho Tan), President, All Burma Students' League vindicated all the allegation made by the preceding speakers that allatrocities perpetrated upon the minority communities in Burma are committed by the majority Burmans. He said, 'the military, which composed of just one per cent of the state's population, does not make any difference when dealing with anyone, whether Burman or non-Burman,who comes in their way.' ' Anti-Fascist Peoples' League led by late General Aung San was inclusive of all the ethnic nationalities,' he continued. He also said that everywhere dictators are but betrayers who act so at the moment they begin to think they are not secure.'Newin was no exception,' he said. 'It is because betrayers make useof religion, regionalism, communalism, ethnicity or race, etc. as means to cling on to power,' he added 'we should not blame the entire community to which a particular dictator belongs as this very antagonistic presumption itself makes us a victim of their plot, and it is more harmful to us than them.' 'Therefore,' he said, 'we theBurmans do not exclusively own either dictator Newin or General Than Swe. He concluded by saying, 'Young peoples should constantly rekindle the energy within them to courageously continue to fight against injustice.' Pi Mawli, Women's League of Burma stated that in the present day-world, minority community need not worry too much for fear of injustice because the UN has a charter on protection of these communities. She expressed her regret that due to demarcation in thepost independent, ethnic nationalities like Kukis, Nagas, Mons, etc. had to be divided and reduced to a minority community, which otherwise would not have been the case. She however said that change isinevitable and there is hope for justice shortly.Mawng Lu Gree, Secretary, Democratic Party of Arakan, stressed on theneed of a capable leader like late General Aung San who can win the hearts of and bring to a common plateform all the ethnic nationalities. He said, 'unless such a leader comes up, we are but fighting a loosing battle in fragments.' Pu Kili Aung, Cho-Chin Leader, expressed that he too feels very sorry for what had happened to the Kukis forty years ago. He said, 'the majority Hans in China, the Hindus in India, the Burmans in Burma, etc. are always responsible for victimization of the minority community in their own state due to their inconsiderate policy to safeguard them (minorities).' 'For the perpetrators,' he said, 'it might seem a harmless or negligible, but for the victims, the severity of the crime is intolerable.' Pu Thangpu, Kuki International Support Centre, while taking his time demonstrated the importance of God's power in changing the cruel regime of Burma. He said, 'there were regimes in African states where the dictators were as bad as or even more than the ones in Burma, butthe prayer of the victimized citizens to the Almighty God have been heard and changes have resulted there.' 'The people of Burma,' headvised, 'could also pray to their respective religious God or gods because with God, everything is possible.' Fostering the need of God's power, he concluded his speech by citing a verse from the book of Mathew of the Bible that says, 'for I am with you till the end of the world.' Pu Balah, Free Trade Union of Burma (he is a Kuki te Tupa, whose wife is Nengboi from Tamu), who was also the last speaker said that he had been left with no word to add as the speakers before him had all spoken what he had thought he would. He thanked particularly Pu Thein Phe, whom he said was senior to him in politics and also Pu Kyaw Than, his junior for their beautiful words. However, he said he had just a little thing to put forward to be pondered upon. Then, he asked the reason why victory has not come when it should have been. To this question, he says, 'the answer is, simply because of our incompetence.' 'To be competent,' he added, 'we should delve into the problem by doing in-depth study and be prepared first.' He concluded that this would bring in the desired result fast. The moderator then called upon Ng. L.K. Nengboi who thanked all the participants for sharing their valuable knowledge whole heartedly. She also made an apology if there were any inconvenience during the programme. Now, with the end all the speeches, the moderator formally declared that the Programme had ended, and requested every one to join the light refreshment.

Sunday, November 4, 2007

Press Release

After prolong discourse on the need to establish an open ended forum which shall act as a catalyst to bring issues of wide ranging implication on the fate of Kukis beyond boundaries, on the 5th October 2007, Kuki senior students and research scholars in consultation with KSDF (Kuki Students’ Democratic Fronts) , KWHRO ( Kuki Women’s Human Rights Organization) and KPC ( Kuki People Congress) resolved to constitute a support centre which will henceforth be called KISC (Kuki International Support Centre). The Support Centre will function on the bedrock of 3Cs – Consult, Consent and Consensus.
In view of the wide disenchantment witnessed amidst the general public, we seek to clarify certain misconceptions and misplaced assumptions which have disturbed us since the conception of KISC (Kuki International Support Centre). After having discussed and debated on the 20th of October 2007 at JNU’s SSS-II Committee Room about the implication of having to give ourselves such forum as this, it has been unanimously resolved that the following points have to be brought to the notice of all and sundry.

1) It is inevitably necessary to come together under a forum which has a broader outlook. Despite the fact that that we have certain other organs to address our exigencies and need based issues, we at KISC believe that the existing organs are just not enough to look into issues which demand supra-national agenda.
2) For the immediate date, the Support Centre has been mooted and formed with the view to bring into its fold research scholars exclusively from JNU, DU, IIT and Jamia. We at KISC do not, whatsoever, claim to be a part of any political divide and hence do not owe allegiance to any existing party. Nevertheless, we expect to involve Kuki research scholars from across the world in the course of our onward struggle for the betterment of Kuki’s ethno-socio-political culture.
3) Apart from the two elected Co-ordinator and joint Co-ordinator and three media cell in-charge, all the rest of the scholars from the above mentioned Universities will by automatically act as Executive Committee.
4) The Support Centre resolves to have a focused and sustained struggle vis-à-vis democratic movement. To start with, it decides to get itself involved in the ongoing political struggle for democracy in Burma.
5) To have a sustain dialogue it was agreed upon to set-up a media centre which will oversee media related issues and place it in the public domain, essentially to seek legitimacy and support from the general public. We believe that we can only build consensus through consent and consultation. We place premium on the sense of public and cherish the process of democracy.


Sd/
Paokholal Haokip
Co-ordinator

Ngamjahao Kipgen
Jt.Co- ordinator

Inception of KISC

Kuki International Support Centre (for democracy movement in Burma)
New Delhi, October 6, 2007
-Luntinsat

The on going Burmese peoples' struggle for the restoration of democracy (which has been lost since March 2, 1962 when General Newin's staged a coup) upsurges after the Monks simmered, leading in the front. This in fact poses a question on the fate of the Kukis to the intellectual, conscious and concerned Kuki individuals who are staying in New Delhi. Are the Kukis fit enough to survive if democracy dawns in Burma? Is outside support necessary and helpful at this time?
After series of consultation with senior Kukis and students, a meeting was convened at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) last night at 10: 30 (IST) ie October 5th , 2007.
After the opening prayer and remark, some facts about the situation in Burma - ethnic nationalities movement in Burma, the Kuki peoples' political status, update on achievements of KSDF (Kuki Students Democratic Front), KWHRO (Kuki Women's Human Rights Organisation) and KPC (Kuki Peoples Congress) 's update, etc – were presented.
This presentation was followed by an overview discussion on how a group of independent body of individuals can help the Kuki national movement in Burma. With the view to make sure that it should not be a heavy task for the students involved so as not to create a hurdle to their study, it was found that the would-be-formed body could help in the advocacy of the Kuki peoples' right at relevant forums in various manners such as paper presentation, issue statement, speech, etc. Working on these things, as discussed and understood, are light enough for a group of scholars of JNU, IIT, DU, etc.
Of the four names proposed for the name of the body, it was unanimously agreed that the body be called the "Kuki International Support Centre" (for democracy movement in Burma). It was exactly at 12: 30 pm (IST) when KISC was formed. It was also agreed that unlike other bodies, the KISC should have two coordinators to coordinate all the other members who should also be the executive members. Accordingly, Mr. Paokholal Haokip of JNU and Mr. Ngamjahao Kipgen of IIT were appointed coordinator and join coordinator respectively. Further discussion on how the body would sustain was left to be discussed later by the body alone.

What Burma's Junta must fear?


What Burma's Junta Must Fear

By U GambiraSunday, November 4, 2007

In August, the Burmese people began to write a new chapter in their determination to find peace and freedom. Burmese monks peacefully protested to bring change to our long-suffering country. As we marched, hundreds of thousands of Burmese and our ethnic cousins joined us to reinforce our collective demand: that military rule finally give way to the people's desire for democracy.
Video and the Internet have allowed the world to witness the brutal response directed by Gen. Than Shwe, Burma's de facto ruler and military leader. Than Shwe unleashed his soldiers and the regime's thugs, who attacked us. Once again the streets in Rangoon and Mandalay ran red with the blood of innocent civilians seeking to save our country from the moral, social, political and economic crises that consume us.
Hundreds of our monks and nuns have been beaten and arrested. Many have been murdered. Alarmingly, thousands of clergy have disappeared. Our sacred monasteries have been looted and destroyed. As darkness falls each night, intelligence units try to round up political and religious leaders.
Military rule has brought Burma to collapse. Our economy is in ruins. Once the breadbasket of Aisa, Burma cannot feed itself. Once we were a light for education and literacy; now, the regime has closed schools and universities. Once we breathed the air of freedom; now, we choke on the foul air of tyranny. We are an enslaved people.
My colleagues and I welcomed the strong actions of the United States to impose financial and travel restrictions on the regime and its enablers. Australia is following this model, and the European Union should as well.
Than Shwe and his fellow military leaders have sought to portray this uprising as a singular event, now over. A veneer of quiet has replaced the sounds of gunfire on city streets. Unfortunately, many in the international community buy in and actively support this propaganda.
At the United Nations, China and Russia continue to block the Security Council from facilitating a dialogue between democratic forces and the regime. Within our region, senior officials of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have condemned the regime's actions but have done little else. Perhaps most disappointing, the world's largest democracy, India, continues to provide military assistance and trade deals that help finance the regime's war on its people.
What will it take for the world to realize that Burma's generals are a menace and that because of their misrule, drugs, diseases and refugees from Burma spill across borders and wash through other societies, ruining lives?
The recent steps by U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and his special adviser, Ibrahim Gambari, to open a dialogue with Burma's generals are welcome and necessary. The United Nations can help bring peace to Burma. However, the Security Council is the proper forum. All efforts must focus on making council members take the steps necessary to coerce the generals to come to terms with the people. This involves setting a timetable for the regime to release all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; allow free assembly; and give a full accounting of the thousands who have disappeared. The council should also seek a ban on all arms sales to the regime.
People ask whether I am disheartened and whether this latest spasm of democratic activism is over. The answer to both questions is no. Although I am wanted by the military and forced to hide in my own country, I am awed by the bravery of so many, including sympathetic security agents of the junta who opened their homes to democracy leaders and me.
Since August, I have seen my country galvanized as never before. I have watched our 88 Generation leaders bravely confront the military. I have watched a new generation of activists join to issue an unequivocal call for freedom. And I have watched as many in the police and military, sickened at what they were forced to do to their countrymen, give so many of us quiet help. The primary tools wielded by Burma's senior generals, a climate of fear and the use of violence, are no longer working -- and with nothing to lose, we are no longer afraid.
On Wednesday, more than 200 monks staged a protest in Pakokku. They stared military officers in the face. Their spirit and determination are a warning to the regime and those that prop it up.
Burma's Saffron Revolution is just beginning. The regime's use of mass arrests, murder, torture and imprisonment has failed to extinguish our desire for the freedom that was stolen from us so many years ago. We have taken their best punch.
Now it is the generals who must fear the consequences of their actions. We adhere to nonviolence, but our spine is made of steel. There is no turning back. It matters little if my life or the lives of colleagues should be sacrificed on this journey. Others will fill our sandals, and more will join and follow.

U Gambira is the pseudonym of a leader of the All-Burma Monks Alliance, which spearheaded nationwide protests in September. Wanted by Burma's military junta, he is living in hiding as he continues the monks' campaign.